{"id":1407,"date":"2026-08-08T09:37:06","date_gmt":"2026-08-08T09:37:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/urbaneconomynews.com\/?p=1407"},"modified":"2026-08-08T09:37:06","modified_gmt":"2026-08-08T09:37:06","slug":"a-response-to-hanania-in-defense-of-scott-greers-white-pill","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/urbaneconomynews.com\/?p=1407","title":{"rendered":"A Response to Hanania: In Defense of Scott Greer\u2019s \u2018White Pill\u2019"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<p>Almost everyone knows the red pill and the blue pill from <em>The Matrix<\/em>. The red pill wakes Neo to the truth about \u201cthe world that has been pulled over your eyes,\u201d while the blue pill allows him to go on believing \u201cwhatever you want to believe.\u201d Beginning sometime in the mid-2000s, taking the red pill came to mean rejecting supposedly unquestionable mainstream narratives, especially about race, sex, immigration, and demographics. Taking the blue pill meant accepting them.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/urbaneconomynews.com\/?p=1405\">Trump\u2019s Iran Negotiations Build on Legacy of Unprecedented Statesmanship<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Fewer people are familiar with the terms \u201cwhite pill\u201d and \u201cblack pill.\u201d Scott Greer\u2019s recently published book, <em>Whitepill: The Online Right and the Making of Trump\u2019s America<\/em> (Passage Press), offers these definitions:<\/p>\n<p>In internet parlance, a \u201cwhite pill\u201d (often condensed to whitepill) refers to an optimistic outlook or a development that restores a sense of possibility. <em>It\u2019s a variant of the more famous \u201cred pill,\u201d<\/em> taken from the film <em>The Matrix<\/em>, which refers to waking up to the real problems of the world. In some cases, that awakening leads to the \u201cblack pill,\u201d a pessimistic conclusion that the future is closed off from improvement and that serious change is impossible. (My emphasis)<\/p>\n<p>Greer\u2019s <em>Whitepill<\/em>, then, is cautiously optimistic. It begins with having swallowed and thoroughly digested the red pill about the demographic transformation of the country, the institutional reality of anti-white hostility, and what he characterizes in his book as the utter failure of the pre-Trump conservative, open-borders, amnesty-first consensus. In the long period after the collapse of a much older form of conservatism and through the Bush, McCain, and Romney years, to be \u201cconservative\u201d meant \u201cto be obsessed with platitudes about the free market and limited government (except, of course, in matters of defense). The \u2018national question,\u2019 encompassing all the thorny issues around race and immigration that became the centerpiece of the Obama presidency, was ignored outright or discussed only within the bounds of liberal sensibilities.\u201d Establishment conservatism\u2014\u201cConservatism Inc.\u201d\u2014wanted to move beyond identity issues entirely; it \u201cwould rather capitulate on race and immigration than risk\u201d its \u201cmoral standing\u201d with the liberal media. The collision of, among other things, the Alt-Right, the \u201cAlt-Lite,\u201d and Trump with mainstream politics in the mid-2010s is itself the white pill: what had been confined to anonymous forums and marginal publications forced its way, by turns, into the center of American politics, displacing the limp-wristed, mealymouthed, post-identity \u201cconservative\u201d managerialism and making it possible to \u201cpublicly name\u201d those realities without flinching or shame.<\/p>\n<p>Greer has himself lived through the transformation he describes; indeed, as he puts it, he is probably \u201cthe central figure in this story.\u201d After a rising path through <em>Campus Reform<\/em>, <em>The Daily Caller<\/em>, a successful book, and regular Fox News appearances, he was doxed in 2018 when a former Breitbart acquaintance\u2014a lady\u2014supplied <em>The Atlantic<\/em> with details of his earlier anonymous work for Richard Spencer\u2019s <em>Radix Journal<\/em>\u2014articles that, he emphasizes, contained \u201cno racial slurs, calls for violence, or endorsements of fascism.\u201d He lost his job, his Robert Novak Fellowship, and access to mainstream outlets; <em>The Daily Caller<\/em> publicly called him \u201cinsane.\u201d The arguments that destroyed his career have since become conventional conservative positions. That is Greer\u2019s white pill.<\/p>\n<p>To be clear, Greer is \u201cnot a white nationalist.\u201d From a young age, he writes, he thought \u201cneo-Nazism was idiotic and a dead end.\u201d Whatever might be said about a previous version of America, which, at least implicitly, if not in some cases explicitly, endorsed the idea of a predominantly white nation \u201cin law and custom,\u201d \u201cafter World War II, that worldview\u201d ceased to be politically relevant or salutary. From that point on, Greer tells us, \u201cwhite nationalists tended to be economically downscale with a host of problems, including criminality and drugs.\u201d White nationalism, at the very least, became stigmatized \u201cas politically irrelevant and morally repulsive.\u201d Any \u201cpublic-facing white nationalist movement ended in embarrassments and criminal prosecution.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>In the book as well as in his recent writing, therefore, Greer defines the term precisely: \u201cIn reality, white nationalism is a specific and much narrower ideology. It envisions a sovereign white nation, whether through territorial separation or political revolution.\u201d That project is a practical and political \u201cdead end\u201d in the America that actually exists. Ordinary white Americans show little interest in it, and the country remains, at least for now, too stable for the upheaval such a program would require. Yet \u201cwhite nationalism\u201d is now used so broadly that, as Greer notes, it often means nothing. The label is routinely applied to any conservative\u2014including, of course, Greer himself\u2014who opposes mass immigration or speaks positively about white people as a group. But neither position necessarily entails support for a separate white ethnostate.<\/p>\n<p>What Greer defends is much more modest and therefore much more attainable: immigration restriction rather than open borders, authentic patriotic education rather than anti-white indoctrination, merit rather than racial spoils, and the continued primacy of America\u2019s historic majority. He is therefore content to call himself a \u201cconservative.\u201d White nationalism, he has argued, is now obsolete precisely because the mainstream Right has taken up questions of immigration and identity. To embrace the label today, in addition to engaging in silly, impractical, and utopian \u201cfantasies and excesses,\u201d would be a deliberate act of self-marginalization. Liberals essentially seek the same result when they use the term to place any discussion of immigration or anti-white double standards beyond the bounds of polite conversation.<\/p>\n<p>Not everyone is convinced. Richard Hanania, who, like Greer, began with positions adjacent to the more radical \u201cOnline Right\u201d but who, unlike Greer, is now a \u201cGlobalist Classical Liberal\u201d with a Nietzschean twist, recently published a highly critical review of <em>Whitepill<\/em> in <em>UnHerd<\/em>. Greer seems favorably disposed toward Hanania. He has discussed Hanania\u2019s own \u201ccancellation\u201d and reviewed his first book, <em>The Origins of Woke<\/em>, on his <em>Highly Respected<\/em> podcast; Hanania, in turn, has interviewed Greer on his own podcast. And yet\u2014unless I am deeply mistaken\u2014there is something gratuitously nasty about his review of Greer\u2019s book, something that comes across in the very title: \u201cThe Poverty of White Nationalism.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Hanania concedes Greer\u2019s central historical claim: once-fringe views on race, assimilation, and immigration have entered the mainstream of the American Right. Yet he insists that <em>Whitepill<\/em> reveals the intellectual and moral poverty of the worldview it describes.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/urbaneconomynews.com\/?p=1404\">Another Sign of the Times: \u2018F\u2014 ICE\u2019<\/a><\/p>\n<p>In his <em>UnHerd<\/em> review, Hanania argues that Greer rejects the white-nationalist label while retaining a \u201cworldview that prioritizes maintaining white demographic dominance and cultural primacy.\u201d In his reading, <em>Whitepill<\/em> is largely a victory lap written for readers who already share Greer\u2019s priorities. Greer never explains why racial identity should take precedence over other political concerns, Hanania claims, and therefore never answers the most basic objections to his position. Hanania further contends that the successive arguments for immigration restriction have collapsed\u2014crime, he asserts, has continued to fall\u2014and that Greer\u2019s worldview offers neither a \u201clarger conception of the good\u201d nor \u201ca belief in a politics that places an emphasis on virtue.\u201d \u201cEven smarter versions of white identitarianism,\u201d he concludes, \u201care degrading and ultimately morally poisonous.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>But even this summary doesn\u2019t quite capture the tone or method of Hanania\u2019s attack. He begins by saying that Greer\u2019s views can \u201ccharitably be described as white-nationalist-adjacent.\u201d Later, he acknowledges that Greer <em>rejects the label<\/em>, accepts the American political order, and has no interest in an ethnostate\u2014only to announce that Greer\u2019s position is nevertheless essentially reducible to what Hanania himself would call white nationalism. Hanania simply brushes aside the distinction Greer takes considerable pains to establish. Hanania then begins assigning motives to Greer rather than answering him. Greer doesn\u2019t merely <em>fail<\/em> to make his case; he \u201cdoesn\u2019t even bother acknowledging\u201d objections. His conclusions arise from emotion, his political principles are instrumental, and even his opposition to conspiracy theories is supposedly motivated not by a concern for truth but by political expediency. By the end of the review, Greer has become a kind of \u201cavatar\u201d of a morally poisonous politics. This is not merely a severe review; it seems determined from the outset to place Greer back into the very category his own book rejects.<\/p>\n<p>Hanania\u2019s claim about crime is too sweeping. It has not \u201cconsistently fallen.\u201d Homicides rose by roughly 30 percent in 2020 and remained elevated for years; the later decline was a retreat from that enormous spike, not part of some uninterrupted improvement. Nor do figures showing that immigrants as a whole are imprisoned at lower rates than native-born Americans settle the question. Those figures lump together groups with very different outcomes and tell us little about what has happened in particular places. The Somali fraud scandals in Minnesota are a case in point. Feeding Our Future alone involved some $250\u2013300 million. National crime averages tell us nothing about that.<\/p>\n<p>Hanania\u2019s own alternative is classical liberalism, associated perhaps most famously with John Locke. Neither Locke nor his more outspoken predecessor Hobbes thought that political life should be devoted to a \u201clarger conception of the good\u201d or held a vision of politics that took its bearings from virtue. \u201cThere is no <em>summum bonum<\/em> (greatest good) or <em>finis ultimus<\/em> (utmost aim) as is spoken of in the books of the old moral philosophers,\u201d Hobbes declared. Locke grounded legitimate government in the protection of life, liberty, and property\u2014natural rights that somehow exist prior to political society and that political society is meant to protect\u2014not in the cultivation of virtue or the pursuit of a shared highest good other than \u201ccommodious living,\u201d or comfortable self-preservation. James Madison later put the point more practically: \u201cNeither moral nor religious motives can be relied on as an adequate control.\u201d The system the Founders envisioned was meant to channel ambition and interest rather than depend upon the moral perfection of citizens or rulers. All this makes Hanania\u2019s complaint that Greer offers no \u201clarger conception of the good\u201d or politics of virtue rather odd. Classical liberalism cannot provide such a politics either. It deliberately leaves the question of the highest good unsettled. At best, it speaks of the nebulous \u201cpursuit of happiness.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>There was a reason for this lowering of political aims. Hobbes and Locke were responding to religious war and Christian sectarianism. If the various Christian sects waged deadly wars precisely over the question of the highest good, politics, they thought, would have to stop trying to define it. Civil society would instead protect life, liberty, and property while leaving larger questions of faith and salvation outside the political realm. But for that arrangement to work over the long term, perhaps especially in America, it still needed a people who shared enough of the same history and fundamental moral outlook\u2014one deeper than an allegiance to any particular Christian sect or a fine point of theology\u2014to govern themselves. Decades of anti-American, anti-Christian, and anti-white subversion; of mass low-skill immigration; of racial and ethnic and religious double standards; of the abandonment of the older expectation that immigrants should assimilate; of the open endorsement of black criminality; and of the promotion of all sorts of anti-normative sexual curiosities have considerably weakened, and perhaps even destroyed, that common ground. Ignoring these things\u2014or treating them as less important than abstract neutrality\u2014gave us, at best, the weak-kneed, fumbling, apologetic Conservatism Inc. of the Bush\u2013McCain\u2013Romney years.<\/p>\n<p>Classical liberalism, in other words, is not a political form that can simply be detached from a particular people and place. It seems to presuppose an existing order, a people, even\u2014that is, something like <em>nationalism<\/em>\u2014in order to work properly. A society that loses its demographic and cultural coherence will find it difficult, if not altogether impossible, to preserve the trust on which classical liberal institutions depend. This is the problem behind what Greer calls the national question. His book describes what happened when questions ordinary Americans were already asking finally broke through a conservative consensus that had declared that question \u201cradioactive.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Greer also warns against two ways in which the Right can go badly wrong. The first is white nationalism, with its ethnostate fantasies. It is impossible in the United States as it now exists; indeed, most of the normal white people it claims to represent have \u201cvery little appetite\u201d for it at all. The other is what he calls the \u201cInsane Clown Party.\u201d \u201cThe pervasiveness of right-wing conspiracism and its downscale origins have had considerable negative effects on its political fortunes,\u201d he writes. \u201cFirst, it makes the Right look stupid and attracts stupid people. Second, it misdirects attention away from real explanations that would actually strengthen the right-wing case far more effectively than any delusional conspiracy.\u201d Bureaucratic incompetence and affirmative-action failure may be less exciting than space lasers causing wildfires, outlandish theories about the Mossad assassinating Charlie Kirk, or bizarre claims that literal demons control all the bad actors in the world, but they are real.<\/p>\n<p>Greer doesn\u2019t despair over any of this. He distinguishes between the conservative movement, which he shows unequivocally has changed substantially for the better, and the Republican Party, which, for now, remains the only available vehicle for winning elections. It is indeed true that the Democrats, as Greer has made clear on a recent podcast, if they win the midterms and then the presidency in 2028, could wipe many of the genuine accomplishments of the Trump administration away. But, as he says, \u201cthat\u2019s the nature of politics.\u201d Political gains are almost never permanent: ground is won, lost, and fought over again and again and again. One fights the battle at hand even when the next one may go badly. Again, nothing guarantees that the changes which have been wrought and which Greer describes so eloquently will last. But withdrawing permanently from politics into cosplaying and fantasy or blackpilled despair absolutely guarantees they will not.<\/p>\n<p>Greer\u2019s <em>Whitepill<\/em> rejects utopianism. It shows the utter necessity of keeping the national question in ordinary politics while refusing to indulge in what he sees as the ethnostate fantasies of white nationalism and the conspiratorial foolishness of the Insane Clown Party. The old apologetic Right is finished, and the questions it refused to face are not going away. For Greer, only a nationalism shorn of these fantasies can defend the interests of the historic American nation. Without such a nation, moreover, there can be no politics of the common good or virtue of the kind Hanania finds missing from Greer\u2019s account.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/urbaneconomynews.com\/?p=1396\">Trump\u2019s Iran Negotiations Build on Legacy of Unprecedented Statesmanship<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Almost everyone knows the red pill and the blue pill from The Matrix. The red pill wakes Neo to the truth about \u201cthe world that has been pulled over your eyes,\u201d\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1406,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1407","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-book-reviews"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>A Response to Hanania: In Defense of Scott Greer\u2019s \u2018White Pill\u2019 - Urban Economy news<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/urbaneconomynews.com\/?p=1407\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"A Response to Hanania: In Defense of Scott Greer\u2019s \u2018White Pill\u2019 - Urban Economy news\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Almost everyone knows the red pill and the blue pill from The Matrix. 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