President Trump’s August 16 Truth Social post, calling for a reduction in joint U.S.-South Korea military exercises and faulting Seoul for declining to support the U.S. effort against Iran, was widely read as a signal of his desire to reopen personal diplomacy with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un. That desire is now confirmed: The Wall Street Journal reported on August 18 that Trump is pushing his aides to arrange a meeting with Kim as soon as this fall, potentially on the sidelines of his November trip to Asia for the APEC summit in Shenzhen, China. Seoul has already responded in kind, cutting this month’s Ulchi Freedom Shield exercise roughly in half after Trump ordered the Pentagon to scale back the drills.
Read more FBI: North Korean IT Workers Infiltrating Western Workforces, U.S. Companies
There are compelling reasons to pursue this path now. President Biden’s weakness and incompetent foreign policy allowed North Korea’s nuclear weapons and missile programs to surge, including a record number of missile launches in 2022. There is now an urgent need to strengthen security across the Indo-Pacific, halt North Korea’s nuclear and missile efforts, and cut off Pyongyang’s military support to Russia for the war in Ukraine. Below are five America First steps to advance that objective.
First, dispatch Secretary of State Marco Rubio to Seoul immediately to help turn this fall’s momentum into a concrete summit.
While President Trump is rightly frustrated by limited allied backing for the Iran campaign, South Korea’s Lee Jae Myung government has delivered stronger-than-anticipated cooperation on trade and security. This includes a 7.5 percent rise in South Korea’s 2026 defense budget and an additional $1 billion in support for the 28,500 U.S. troops stationed there. Major shipbuilding agreements between the two countries are expected to expand the U.S. Navy’s capacity. American firms stand to secure large contracts to support South Korea’s development of its first nuclear-powered submarines and its civilian nuclear power program. And unlike several of our European allies, South Korea did not try to undermine the U.S. war effort in Iran by denying access to critical bases or publicly criticizing Trump’s Iran policy. Rubio should evaluate this record and work with Seoul to help finalize the logistics of a Trump-Kim summit this fall, whether as a standalone meeting or timed to the president’s expected November trip to the APEC summit in China.
Trump has already acted on this front, ordering the Pentagon to scale back this month’s Ulchi Freedom Shield exercise to just five days, from August 17 to 21, to help draw North Korea back to the table. That is a small price to pay if it gets Kim Jong Un to a summit. There is precedent for such concessions: these exercises were suspended during the administrations of George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Trump’s first term to avoid interfering with ongoing U.S.-North Korea negotiations. Rubio should now ensure this concession is closely coordinated with Seoul and does not go further than necessary to bring Kim to the table.
Second, name a dedicated North Korea special envoy. Most previous administrations, including the first Trump administration, have named a special envoy to work full-time to promote peace talks and denuclearize North Korea. This decision is long overdue and is necessary to do the groundwork for a possible future Trump-Kim summit. I recommend Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs Michael George DeSombre, a Senate-confirmed official with deep Asia-Pacific experience and a clear America First orientation.
Third, coordinate closely with Japan and regional partners. South Korea is part of a web of security alliances that President Trump should tap to counter growing threats in the Indo-Pacific from China, Russia, and North Korea. The U.S.-South Korea-Japan Trilateral partnership is a crucial security relationship that will be especially important to any successful Trump-Kim engagement. The U.S. should also consult with other regional players, including Australia, India, the Philippines, Taiwan, and the United Kingdom.
Fourth, direct Commerce Secretary Scott Bessent and Energy Secretary Chris Wright to clear remaining obstacles to U.S.-South Korea trade and energy agreements.
Important understandings on trade and nuclear energy reached by Presidents Trump and Lee last September have faced delays on both sides. U.S. bureaucratic inertia—particularly inside the Department of Energy—and congressional hesitation have contributed to the delays. After an Oval Office meeting, both secretaries should travel to Seoul for high-level talks. Bessent should also examine reports of difficulties faced by American companies operating in South Korea and identify rapid solutions.
Fifth, have President Trump meet with President Lee, ideally by visiting Seoul. A presidential trip to South Korea would powerfully convey his commitment to the U.S.-South Korea relationship and his determination to resume personal diplomacy with Kim Jong Un, an effort now reportedly being arranged for this fall. Trump could reinforce his message by delivering another major address to the South Korean National Assembly, as he did in 2018.
I believe these steps are the most effective way to address the threats posed by North Korea, China, and Russia in the Indo-Pacific. They build on the existing strong U.S.-South Korea partnership, advance American interests, and create space to resolve lingering bilateral frictions. Most importantly, they can provide the foundation for a vigorous second-term strategy that builds on the personal diplomacy President Trump successfully initiated with Kim Jong Un during his first term.
Read more Trump Administration Moves to Bar Illegal Immigrants From Refundable Tax Credits
