Sixty-seven minutes elapsed between the time Henry Nowak was stabbed by Vickrum Digwa and his death, on December 3 last year, in Southampton, England.
Sixty-seven minutes when his life could have been saved were it not for the incompetence and institutional corruption of the British police and the clannishness and cunning of an Indian Sikh family who knew just how to exploit those weaknesses to paint themselves, fatally, as the victims.
By claiming the stabbing was really a racist attack against the stabber himself, the entire Digwa family ensured Henry Nowak would die.
Instead of taking the victim’s anguished cries seriously as he lay bleeding to death—“I’ve been stabbed”: “I don’t think you have, mate” (an actual exchange)—the police dragged him across the ground like a sack of garbage, handcuffed him, and paid more attention to a mark on the killer’s face and a dislodged turban.
And then it was too late.
Henry Nowak’s murder is a tragedy for our age, an indictment of the sinister, hateful place Britain has become, to the shock and surprise not only of the British people themselves, many of whom are only just waking up to the chaos around them, but also the horror of admirers and well-wishers abroad—and that includes President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance.
Before I go any further, I’d recommend you watch the police bodycam footage of the crucial moments leading up to Henry’s death. It’s one thing to read a description of the sordid events that took place and quite another to witness them actually happening from the viewpoint of the police. If you’re British, as I’ve said on X, I think you have a duty not to avert your gaze, however upsetting the footage may be. Now is not the time to look away or pretend this isn’t happening.
Nowak, a British-Polish student at the University of Southampton, had been out drinking with his friends at a pub called the Hobbit in the Portswood area of the city when he encountered Digwa on his way home. An autopsy showed Nowak was below the legal limit for driving under the influence, so he wasn’t drunk. After a brief altercation—reasons unclear—Digwa stabbed Nowak five times with an eight-inch ceremonial blade called a “shastar,” a weapon Sikhs are allowed to carry legally in the UK, as part of their religion. Carrying a knife for self-defense is illegal in the UK, and punishments are extremely harsh, including jail.
The attack took place on the street where the Digwas lived, and when Nowak tried to flee after being stabbed, he ended up on the floor outside the Digwas’ house. The elder brother phoned the police and said a racist attack had taken place—“some white person”—and the mother took the knife from her son and hid it in the house. When police arrived, the father was holding Nowak up, pretending he had collapsed because he was too drunk to stand. Despite Nowak’s pleas from the ground, the family maintained he had not been stabbed and that he was, in fact, a “racist.”
Mother, father, and brother now face charges as well, although only the mother is currently being held to account for her role in the murder, for hiding the weapon. The father and brother have been charged in relation to caches of weapons found at their home by police.
On Tuesday, the day after Vickrum Digwa’s sentencing, Nigel Farage, the leader of Reform UK, and perhaps the next prime minister of Great Britain, released a powerful video address in which he spoke calmly but furiously about the murder.
“He [Henry Nowak] was actually treated in a way that meant an accusation of a slur was treated more seriously than an act of murder,” Farage said.
The biggest fear a police officer now has . . . is the fear of being reported for having acted in a way that was racially biased. That fear is now greater than dealing with a dying man lying on the ground.
Farage compared Nowak to George Floyd—Nowak also said, “I can’t breathe”—and noted how Prime Minister Keir Starmer had “taken the knee” in 2020. So what about Henry? Would Starmer kneel for him too? Farage called for an end to so-called “two-tier” policing, which accords preferential treatment to ethnic minorities, and an end to “anti-white prejudice”; diversity, equity and inclusivity (DEI); and “positive discrimination.”
White lives matter just as much as black lives.
There can be no question: deliberate “two-tier” policing has existed in Britain for decades, since at least 1999, when the Macpherson Report into police failings surrounding the murder of Stephen Lawrence, a black man, was released. Since then, police have been obliged to investigate all reports of racism as a priority, and successive governments—first the Blair and Brown Labour governments and then, inexplicably, half a dozen Conservative governments—enshrined “anti-racism” and the elimination of all forms of “bias” from public life with a raft of measures.
Those efforts were redoubled in the wake of the death of George Floyd, which caused a similar uproar on this side of the pond and calls for the elimination of all remaining racism from society, defined in the broadest possible terms as any inequality between groups.
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Hampshire Police, the force responsible for Southampton, created a “race action plan” in 2020, in which it committed itself to be “anti-racist in all it does” and to “pursue offenders and deal with offenses that cause the most harm to our ethnic-minority communities.”
Far from leveling the playing field, these measures have tilted it in the favor of ethnic minorities—and they know it. That uneven playing field the Digwas exploited all but compelled the police to behave the way they did. After all, the Digwas were brown, Henry was white, and they had said the R-word. They had to be taken seriously on that basis alone.
This “two-tier” approach isn’t just unfair to the white majority in Britain. It’s also a serious danger. Murderous psychopaths are free to kill—and kill they have, many times before.
Concerns about Axel Rudakubana, the Southport killer, were dismissed over fears he was being stereotyped as a “black boy with a knife.” He walked into a children’s dance class with a machete and killed three little girls and seriously injured ten more.
Valdo Calocane also killed three people because medical professionals were worried sectioning him—sending him to a mental institution—might be racist.
I could go on: a litany of crimes, dead men and women, boys and girls. All white, or mostly.
Behind all of this, of course, is mass immigration and the fractured nation it has produced. Mass immigration: the deliberate policy of successive governments, Labour and Conservative, for decades. Mass immigration, which nobody was ever asked to vote for, and which tens of millions of British people voted against at election after election. Two-tier policing, and indeed two-tier rule, with whites at a global disadvantage, is a natural approach for an elite that rules against the will of a majority of its citizens by inflicting rapid demographic change upon them. That’s why the grooming gangs were covered up and continue to be. It’s why white protesters feel the full weight of the law, but ethnic minorities don’t when they behave far worse. It’s why there are Sharia courts. It’s why parents of children blown to pieces by Islamic terrorists at a pop concert are told, “Don’t look back in anger.” It’s why freedom of speech is constantly, constantly being ground down and eroded. Thousands of people a year in Britain are now arrested for expressing their feelings and frustrations on Facebook and X—more than in Putin’s Russia.
The ancients, right back to Aristotle, knew that the price of a diverse society was unfreedom. Only a society bound by kinship and ties of philia—shared interests, values, and loves—could be free and politically mature. A mixed people, with nothing in common, had to be ruled at the level of a very low common denominator.
What the ancient Greeks couldn’t see, as far as we can tell, is that a government could import thousands or millions of foreign people every year and accord them rights that prejudiced the native majority and made them second-class citizens in their own nation. When Aristotle, in book V of The Politics, said that tyrants “prefer the company of foreigners,” he meant they ensured their retinues were stocked with foreigners to lower the chances of being assassinated—nothing more. And yet, that suggestive remark describes, as well as any, the liberal tyranny that has descended upon Britain—and indeed most of the West, although that isn’t the subject of this essay.
So what now?
There have already been angry protests in Southampton—you may have seen the footage on X—with violence and arrests in the last couple of days. Something like a dozen officers were injured in clashes with the protesters, none seriously, and at least two people were arrested. This isn’t unrest on the scale of the riots that convulsed Britain in the summer of 2024, after the Southport stabbings, but things could easily get out of hand, fast. It’s not an exaggeration to say Britain is a tinderbox awaiting a spark. Further revelations about Henry Nowak’s case—about Digwa’s past, about his family, and about the police response—could easily lead to escalation, as could a separate incident or incidents involving people from foreign backgrounds. Barely a day seems to pass without news of a rape or sexual assault by a recent arrival to Britain, housed and fed at taxpayer expense in local communities that don’t want them there.
In his video address, Nigel Farage said the British public should respond to the murder with “pure, cold rage.” He has been criticized for “incitement” and “inflaming tensions”—perhaps the worst crime a politician can commit in present-day Britain—but so far he’s refused to back down or withdraw his comments. That, in itself, is significant, regardless of whether or not there is serious unrest.
It now looks inevitable that white British people will become a self-conscious political grouping. In a very real sense, this is the worst nightmare of the British establishment, which for decades has ruthlessly crushed parties that advocated for the interests of the actual British people on those terms.
Maybe it won’t be all white British people, but it will be a significant number of them—maybe enough to swing an election.
And that could be all it takes to bring the whole rotten edifice crashing down. I certainly hope so.
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